### Ethiopia’s Evolving Maritime Strategy: A Shift in Geopolitical Dynamics
Ethiopia’s participation as an observer in the BRICS+ “Will for Peace 2026” naval exercise off the coast of South Africa marks a pivotal moment in the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa. This involvement is not about immediate naval prowess or access to critical sea routes but instead signifies a recalibration of Ethiopia’s role on the international stage. As regional maritime governance increasingly adopts restrictive definitions, Ethiopia’s engagement reflects a strategic move towards legitimacy, inclusion, and enhanced visibility.
### The Rebirth of the Ethiopian Navy
After the dissolution of its navy in the early 1990s due to the loss of direct access to the Red Sea, Ethiopia has made considerable strides to reclaim its maritime identity. Formally reconstituted in 2019, the Ethiopian Navy initially focused on rebuilding its institutional capacity. Efforts were directed at training programs and patrolling inland waters, such as Lake Tana. By 2025, Ethiopia established permanent naval headquarters in Addis Ababa, marking the evolution from internal recovery to a more assertive external engagement, including participation in multilateral frameworks like BRICS+.
### Exclusion from Regional Maritime Security
Despite these advancements, Ethiopia confronts significant challenges in gaining acceptance within existing maritime security mechanisms in the Horn of Africa. Somalia’s dominant role in shaping regional frameworks often sidelines Addis Ababa, reflecting a broader trend towards exclusion. For instance, initiatives like the EU NAVFOR Operation Atalanta, active since 2008, prioritize coastal nations, effectively limiting Ethiopia’s involvement despite its economic significance and reliance on maritime trade in the region.
### Political Choices Behind Exclusion
The exclusion of Ethiopia from maritime governance is largely a matter of political maneuvering rather than mere oversight. Egypt has consistently promoted a narrow interpretation of Red Sea governance, asserting that only littoral states are entitled to decision-making roles. This perspective was emphasized by Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdel Aaty in late 2025 when he directly excluded Ethiopia from participating in Red Sea governance discussions. Such diplomatic approaches are often coordinated with regional allies like Eritrea and Somalia, further entrenching Ethiopia’s peripheral status.
### Egypt’s Strategic Moves in the Region
Concurrently, Egypt has expanded its influence along Ethiopia’s maritime routes through port-related agreements in strategic locations like Assab and Djibouti. These initiatives are interpreted as efforts to consolidate control over critical access points, complicating Ethiopia’s plans for regional connectivity. By framing Ethiopia’s infrastructure projects as destabilizing, Egypt seeks to maintain its hegemonic narrative in the Red Sea.
### Ethiopia’s Diplomatic Countermeasures
In response to this exclusionary narrative, Ethiopia has actively sought to redefine its role in regional dialogues. In 2025, it hosted a Red Sea-focused conference aimed at fostering inclusive discussions on maritime governance. This summit underscored Ethiopia’s position that stability in the Red Sea cannot rely on exclusion. By advocating for broader participation, Ethiopia works to position itself as a crucial player in regional security and governance frameworks.
### The Significance of BRICS+
The BRICS+ naval exercise holds significant implications for Ethiopia. Unlike traditional regional security councils, BRICS+ emphasizes principles of strategic pluralism, providing Ethiopia with a platform to engage with global powers based on its demographic and economic weight. Observing naval exercises alongside powerful nations contributes to Ethiopia’s efforts to enhance its maritime capabilities without escalating regional tensions.
### Opportunities for Ethiopia
Ethiopia’s BRICS+ engagement offers multiple benefits. Firstly, it bolsters institutional capacity by allowing Ethiopian naval forces to learn from seasoned operators in complex exercises, thus enhancing their operational competence. Secondly, it elevates Ethiopia’s profile from a marginalized landlocked nation to a relevant actor in global maritime security dialogues. Lastly, it enriches Ethiopia’s diplomatic leverage, diminishing its reliance on regional partners historically opposed to inclusive governance.
### Regional Engagement Remains Crucial
Despite this shift, Ethiopia’s long-term aspirations still hinge on securing peaceful access to sea routes through negotiations with neighbors like Djibouti. Participation in BRICS+ does not replace regional discussions but alters the strategic balance, showing that Ethiopia can command attention and relevance beyond its immediate surroundings.
### A Broader Perspective on Stability
The implications of Ethiopia’s role in BRICS+ extend beyond immediate tactical gains; they pose a challenge to the norms of regional governance that favor exclusion. Such an approach, while offering short-term leverage to some actors, risks long-term instability. By integrating Ethiopia into broader security dialogues, BRICS+ showcases an alternative logic: sustainable peace and security emerge from inclusive governance that reflects economic and demographic realities rather than political refusals.
### Signals of Strategic Relevance
At its core, Ethiopia’s engagement in the BRICS+ naval exercise serves as a vital signal of its strategic relevance on a global scale. It demonstrates that regional exclusion does not equate to international isolation and highlights the importance of inclusive governance frameworks that consider the realities of a dynamic economic landscape. In essence, BRICS acts as a reminder that the future stability of the Horn of Africa hinges on accommodating all stakeholders, regardless of geographical boundaries, in the quest for maritime security and regional cooperation.
